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By Carlota S. Smith

This paintings offers a unified idea of point inside of common Grammar. It offers an strange blend of syntactic, semantic, and pragmatic methods to a unmarried area, and provides precise linguistic analyses of 5 languages with very diverse aspectual platforms: English, French, Mandarin chinese language, Navajo and Russian. This moment variation has been thoroughly revised to incorporate extra improvement of the two-component thought, together with new remedies of boundedness, dynamism and a normal account of aspectual shifts. It comprises syntactic and semantic checks.

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The Parameter of Aspect

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On the other hand, if the wh-phrase surfaces in a high Sluicing with more than one CP 41 CP-layer, it might be a low CP-projection that is deleted in sluicing, rather than IP. In order to make these issues more concrete, consider the simplified and partial tree structures in (). In these representations, the unitary CP of the analysis in () has been split up into two separate projections (neutrally labeled CP and CP here), and the combination of the two parameters mentioned above (the position targeted by the wh-phrase on the one hand and the projection undergoing deletion on the other) yields four logical possibilities.

That is, whether or not who or whom was appropriate could not be established until the interpretive rule had determined how the question-word functioned in the preceding clause. But now note that the output of the interpretive rule cannot be the semantic representation itself, for the question-word is a semantic direct object of invite, regardless of whether it shows up in the nominative or in the objective case. Thus the interpretive rule must produce an output structure which is in the form of a passive, for it is only to such a structure that Case Marking can be correctly applied.

Wh in SpecCP2, deletion of CP2 CP1 IP d. wh in SpecCP2, deletion of IP CP1 Þ ELLIPSIS CP2 wh CP2 Þ ELLIPSIS wh IP IP Arguably, the structure represented in (c) is not a well-formed instance of sluicing. e. CP ), and as a result it does not show up overtly. Given that the presence of an overt remnant (wh or otherwise; see van Craenenbroeck and Lipták (, , to appear)) is a defining characteristic of sluicing, this structure is not a licit instantiation of this construction. Moreover, under the uncontroversial assumption that ellipsis sites cannot contain any focus-marked material (Merchant : Chapter ), this structure is illicit regardless of whether it represents an instance of sluicing or not.

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