Download Metaphor: Implications and Applications by Jeffery S. Mio, Albert N. Katz PDF

By Jeffery S. Mio, Albert N. Katz

Examine on metaphor has been ruled through Aristotelian questions of methods in metaphor realizing. even supposing this sector is necessary, it leaves unasked Platonic questions of ways constructions of the brain impact such tactics. in addition, there was really little paintings on how metaphors impact human habit. even if there are various postdictive or speculative money owed of the ability of metaphors to impact human habit specifically components, similar to medical or political arenas, empirical verification of those bills has been sparse. To fill this void, the editors have compiled this paintings devoted to empirical exam of the way metaphors impact human habit and figuring out. The booklet is split into 4 sections: metaphor and pragmatics, medical makes use of of metaphor, metaphor and politics, and different functions of metaphor. Chapters contained inside those sections try to merge Aristotelian questions with Platonic ones.

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B. La musica e` sempre piaciuta a Gianni. (87) a. *A Marie plaıˆt cette musique. ’ b. Cette musique plaıˆt a` Marie. Preverbal datives in French are always dislocated (as topic or focus) and cannot switch with the nominative DP. This means that French does not license quirky DPs with both inherent dative and structural case. We may assume that the same restriction against a quirky dative subject in (87a) is at work in (80) and (83a), banning a quirky ‘‘indirect object’’ of faire. The latter can be derived only by some extraneous reordering, which is not freely available.

76) a. I suggest that inherent accusative case is truly oblique and hence cannot be absorbed by the reflexive clitic. The impossibility of reflexive class II verbs follows with no further assumptions. As for class III verbs, since it is the dative case that is absorbed, reflexivization is fine. How would these facts be explained in Reinhart’s system, which does not assume inherent case? For Reinhart (2002), reduction of the experiencer argument is impossible since reduction can only apply to ‘‘causative’’ arguments (specified [þc]) unspecified for mental state ([þm]).

A simple way of understanding this is the following. The light v heading a causative complement in Romance is case-defective, lacking the [acc] feature. Thus, any embedded argument without inherent case (assigned internally to the vP complement) must be externally case-licensed—by the causative verb. The hierarchy of functional projections enveloping this verb dictates that structural accusative must be checked before (and below) structural dative. Thus, the causee—the highest embedded argument—will be assigned accusative only if no internal argument needs case; otherwise, the causee will be assigned the second, dative case.

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