By Javier Auyero, Loïc Wacquant
Austin, Texas, is well known as a high-tech, fast-growing urban for the younger and artistic, a funky position to stay, and the scene of the world over well-known occasions equivalent to SXSW and formulation 1. yet as in lots of American towns, poverty and penury are booming besides wealth and fabric abundance in modern Austin. wealthy and negative citizens lead more and more separate lives as becoming socioeconomic inequality underscores residential, classification, racial, and ethnic segregation.
In Invisible in Austin, the award-winning sociologist Javier Auyero and a workforce of graduate scholars discover the lives of these operating on the backside of the social order: condo cleaners, office-machine repairers, cab drivers, eating place chefs and dishwashers, unique dancers, musicians, and roofers, between others. Recounting their matters’ existence tales with empathy and sociological perception, the authors express us how those lives are pushed via a posh mixture of person and social forces. those poignant tales compel us to determine how bad those that supply fundamental companies for all urban citizens fight day-by-day with substandard housing, insufficient public providers and faculties, and environmental hazards. well timed and crucial interpreting, Invisible in Austin makes seen the transforming into hole among wealthy and bad that's reconfiguring the cityscape of 1 of America’s such a lot dynamic areas, as low-wage staff are compelled to the social and symbolic margins.
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Additional info for Invisible in Austin : life and labor in an American city
This is perhaps the flaw of Florida’s vast grouping. Scientists, technology workers, and some types of designers are gaining financially from the Austin tech boom, but artists and musicians are experiencing a different fate. While Wynn has been credited with supporting the creative class by forming the Health Alliance for Austin Musicians (HAAM), one might also consider this a sign of the uneven nature of creative economic development. The reason that HAAM exists is because musicians are not making enough money to be able to afford health care within a privatized, insurance-based system.
The work that went into making this book was not part of a research project with a clearly defined objective, design, or timetable. Yet we were clear—adamant, in fact—about one thing. It was going to be a collective enterprise: students were not working as “research assistants” for a “principal investigator”; they were the protagonists of an intellectual adventure. Together we defined the end (and aim) of the journey in ambitious yet vague terms: we would write a book that people outside the restricted and restricting confines of academia would enjoy reading and that would make them think and reflect about the place where they live and the people whom they live alongside.
What do their stories show that others do not? These were the critical questions that recurred in different ways as each contributor delved more deeply into the subjects’ lives and wrote each chapter. Let me be clear: Clarissa, Raven, Santos, Kumar, Inés, Chip, Ella, Manuel, Keith, Xiomara, and Ethan do not “represent” city life; they are not Austin writ small. They do, however, stand for something. They incarnate the lived experiences of inequality and social marginalization, the ways in which inequality and exclusion are intertwined with individual lives and embedded in the intricate seams of biographical issues.