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By J. P. Singh (eds.)

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The literature that is a source of at least personal pleasure involves ways in which artists themselves deal with treaties, from depiction of agreements and the effects of agreements all the way to the making of treaties themselves. Culture-specific agreements The literature dealing with culture-specific international agreements addresses a variety of types of questions. Beaudreau (2006), for example, examines the likely effectiveness of the UNESCO Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Perspectives from the perspective of relationships between consumer behavior and identity; it is rare for any discussions of other treaties to involve specific reference to the arts.

As ageless wisdom is rehabbed to serve as output for “knowledge industries,” and treasured knowledge is continuously reprocessed in data mining, product semantics or meme design, cultural policies clearly have become a fulcrum for neoliberal collaborative governance experts to leverage complex transnational job-creation alliances to compete more effectively in global markets (Harvey, 1989). These are but a few concrete instances of why political scientists should care about culture now, but such issues also are the contemporary manifestations of more enduring political questions about the interplay of art, culture, and civil society with government (Lyotard, 1984; Ong, 1999; Robertson, 1992; Jameson, 1992; Hardt and Negri, 2000; Virilio, 1995).

This brief set of thoughts, then, constitutes a serious call to revisit such theoretical and practical engagements to highlight the always-crucial significance of culture in politics. The idea of culture industries as discrete formations securely nestled in economy and society as the forces of production was introduced into wider currency by Max Horkheimer and Theodor W. Adorno (1976). Seeking answers for the relative quiescence of the working class in their acceptance of both commercial exploitation and fascist rule everywhere in Germany during the 1930s, and then finding what they regarded as comparable phenomena embedded all across the US while in exile during the 1940s, Adorno and Horkheimer approached the sustained production and active circulation of cultural goods and services as advanced means for accommodating otherwise restive groups within the reproduction of advanced capitalism.

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