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By Amalia Pallares

Drawing on broad study in her local Ecuador, Amalia Pallares examines the South American Indian flow within the Ecuadorian Andes and explains its shift from classification politics to racial politics within the overdue 20th century. Pallares makes use of an interdisciplinary method of discover the explanations why indigenous Ecuadorians have bypassed their shared type prestige with different peasant teams and events in prefer of a political identification according to their designated ethnicity as Indians.In the Sixties and Nineteen Seventies, land reform and the modernization of financial and political buildings in Ecuador resulted in adjustments within the feel of self and group held by way of South American Indian activists. Pallares recounts how a campesinista (peasant-based) identity constructed into an indianista (Indian-based) kind of own and communal self-definition. Ethnic id was once not conceived as a subset of sophistication identity--a switch that shifted the Indians’ ideological concentration from neighborhood struggles to pan-ethnic resistance.In the method, indigenous peoples created a good Indian self-definition and a pan-ethnic Indian stream. in addition they reconceived their political identification, their cultural constructions, and the connection among their social circulation and the kingdom. via this new feel of themselves, they sought to confront racism and procure political autonomy.

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Additional info for From Peasant Struggles to Indian Resistance: The Ecuadorian Andes in the Late Twentieth Century

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Du Bois’s contribution lies not only in proposing the existence of double consciousness but also in explicating the mutually constituting role of national and racial identity. One is deeply shaped by the other, and neither can be set aside. Hence, the notion of a veil of color implies more than simply stating that both race and nation have shaped the African-American THEORIZING INDIGENOUS RESISTANCE 33 political experience. It means that each one has helped to constitute and define the other. This leads to one key conclusion: any political project that seeks to empower a racially subordinate group that engages in double consciousness cannot simply eschew one form of consciousness for the other but must by necessity, involve the rearticulation of the two.

The public debate over land reform policy during the mid-1970s had two important consequences. First, as a power struggle between a nationalist military regime bent on social reform and landowning elites, it led to the victory of the latter in curtailing redistribution. Second, it was a site for the rearticulation of racial meaning. Debates over the social function of property and the best means of achieving rural development led to the reconstruction of the principal agents involved. Landowners were recast as efficient producers, whereas indigenous peasants were increasingly seen as inherently unproductive, resulting in a modern spin on the long-standing image of Indians as premodern.

While two hundred Indians staged a hunger strike in the Santo Domingo Church in Quito, hundreds of thousands took over the plazas and blocked main roads of all the provinces. By most accounts, even CONAIE leaders were astounded by the massive response. The levantamiento, or uprising, was particularly intense in Chimborazo, Cotopaxi, Bolivar, and Tungurahua provinces, less so in Pichincha and Imbabura. Chimborazo Indians occupied one hacienda and Cotopaxi Indians took over two others. Mobilizations were staged in the cities of Latacunga, Riobamba, Guaranda, and Ambato and to a lesser extent in the Amazonian region, particularly in Napo province.

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