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This further heightened the electoral distinctiveness of these two countries. Explaining regional variations in voting behaviour in Britain is a complex task and I shall return to it in Chapter 6 when I discuss post-1970 election trends. as existed for over seventy years. This suggests that an adequate explanation will not be found by pointing to the regional effects of the policies of particular governments. Clearly, there is something more deepseated and enduring at work. It is difficult, however, to be specific about what this something might be.

It is simple to calculate and is defined as follows: (C2 - Cl) + (Ll - L2) 2 20 ELECTIONS AND VOTING BEHAVIOUR IN BRITAIN In this formula, Cl is the percentage share of the total vote obtained by the Conservatives at the first election and C2 the percentage at the second; L1 is Labour's share at the first election and L2 is Labour's percentage at the second. The statistic produced by this formula is known as 'Butler' or 'traditional' swing. By convention the parties are put in the order shown and the effect of this is that a positive figure denotes a swing to the Conservatives and a negative figure a swing to Labour.

70) but it also gives rise to other problems. How many dasses are there? Which occupations belong to which dasses? The dasses of bank managers and coal miners may be fairly obvious, but what about typists, policemen or foremen on building sites? Is a self-employed plumber in a different dass from a plumber who is employed by a large firm? Another set of problems relates to the categorisation of women. Should employed married women be dassified according to their own job or the job of their husbands (the reasoning being that the husband is traditionally the 'head of the household' and thus determines the whole family's status)?

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