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By Richards Th. W.

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46). Similar trends have been found in France and Italy (Lacroix, 1990, p. 46; Caracosta, Fleurbaey, Leroy, 1991, p. 80). 38). The demands of postindustrial society can only exacerbate these trends. 2 million persons. At the same time the number of university trained personnel will have increased by roughly the same amount (Franke and Buttler, 1991, p. 120). During the next two decades the proportion of low-skill jobs is expected to decline to roughly 18 percent of the German labor force (in 1985 it was 27 percent).

In four of these districts (Aargau, Appenzell Ausser-Rhoden, St. Gallen, and Schaffhausen) it gained more than 10 percent of the vote. These electoral advances were, at least in part, a result of the fact that by the late 1980s, the party had made great efforts to shed its single-issue image and appeal to a broader range of concerns and resentments. The other winner of the election was the Lega dei ticinesi. The Lega was founded in early 1991 by Giuliano Bignasca, a construction entrepreneur, and Flavio Maspoli, editor of the Lega weekly newspaper Mattina della damenica, which the party distributed free of charge to households in the Italian-speaking canton T essin.

135). nationalist party (Fritzmaurice, 1992, pp. 304-305). Although contesting parliamentary elections since 1978, the political success of the Vlaarns Blokremained ratherlimited. In the 1978, 1981, 1985, and 1987 elections the party never received more than 2 percent of the vote. Its support came largely from the nationalist right wing of the Volksunie and from sympathizers of the Vlaamse Militantenorde (VMO), a semiclandestine circle of militants nostalgic for the days of Flemish collaboration with the Germans, which was formally banned as a private militia in 1983 (Vandermotten and Vanlaer, 1991, p.

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