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By Terry Smith

Examines black electorate' dating to the political strategy and to the 1st black president in a in advance post-racial the USA utilizing interviews with individuals of the Congressional Black Caucus, empirical info, information bills, educational literature and case legislations.

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Extra resources for Barack Obama, Post-Racialism, and the New Politics of Triangulation

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Federal campains thus appear to be disproportionately financed by white Americans. 84 Although the 2004 presidential contest marked a watershed in the rate of giving by small donors (those contributing $100 or less),85 there is no evidence that voters of color participated in this uptick in small-donor participation. 86 Nevertheless, the data presented suggests voters of color were not participants in this phenomenon, for “[t]he small donors stand somewhere between large donors and the general public in many respects.

Consider a hypothetical black candidate, Candidate X, who is running in a congressional district that is 55 percent black, 40 percent white, and 5 percent Asian and Latino. 43 Indeed, evidence of minority funding disparities for legislative offices can be found by looking at incumbent members of the Congressional Black Caucus (CBC). 45 RACE AND MONEY IN POLITICS 31 Campaign finance inequality is a political reality about which members of the CBC are keenly aware. Congressman William Lacy Clay, Jr.

We will return to the subject of racial cuing in chapter 6 both in relation to Barack Obama and black candidates generally, but it is important to appreciate this phenomenon as a byproduct of the Supreme Court’s solicitous view of money in politics and as an integral feature of modern black political inequality. ” some will say. The Supreme Court agrees. But citizens have different speech resources. Money is just one. There is no good reason to privilege it. Recall the discussion of black political cohesion from chapter 1 and the expansion upon that concept in this chapter.

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